Thomas implores the reader to care about the issues raised by the arms trade. The main issue is, of course, the real human cost of the trade – the 640 million small arms in the world, responsible for the deaths of 500,000 people per year and instrumental in the oppression of millions of others (17). Thomas investigates the role of British companies in this trade, and the fact that their activities are not only endorsed by the British government, but also subsidised by the British taxpayer. The role of arms dealers and the ease with which they can arrange the movement of arms around the world, especially to troubled regions, is another central theme of the book. Importantly, Thomas also creates a blueprint for reform of the industry.
Thomas explores the issue of corruption from several angles. The most obvious is that of direct bribery. Responsibility for bribery is usually attributed to those demanding or receiving bribes, demonstrated by Tony Blair railing against corrupt African leaders at a G8 summit (161), while those companies paying the bribes escape criticism. Investigations were also made into allegations of rampant corruption involved in the Al Yamamah deal between BAE and Saudi Arabia. The results of these investigations were suppressed in the national interest (163-164). The fact that bribery of a foreign official was not illegal in Britain until 2002 allowed BAE executives to respond to bribery allegations by simply stating that they had not broken any laws (161).
The second, and more insidious aspect of corruption is where corporate interests become so conflated with the national interest that the political process itself is fundamentally corrupted. Thomas asks why successive governments have given so much support to the arms industry, despite problems of conflict and displacement, foreign indebtedness and corruption (148). He finds the answer to this question in Britain’s desire to be a power player on the world stage, coupled with ‘historical romanticism’; nostalgia for the martial Britain of times past.
Thomas’s analysis of the confluence of national and corporate interests also displays a strong awareness of Marxist ideas of class-consciousness and the shortcomings of the capitalist system. Thomas shows that government-to-government arms deals involve large numbers of the national political elites. He identifies arms manufacturers as very much ruling class institutions – ‘companies with a gaggle of sirs and a recently retired politician on the board’ (14). Indeed, Michael Portillo went from his role as Minister of Defence to a place on the board of BAE Systems (144).
Thomas also recognises that the overriding purpose of companies is the creation of profit (112), and that all other factors will be considered in light of that goal. The combination of membership of the elite and of corporate sensibilities leads arms companies to actively resist efforts at industry reform. When government ‘anti-bribery measures were ‘not… well received’ by such major arms manufacturers as BAE Systems, Airbus and Rolls Royce, these companies engaged in exhaustive lobbying to weaken and ultimately nullify the legislation (169-170).
The role of arms dealers is one of the central themes of the book. Thomas emphasises the detachment with which arms manufacturers and arms dealers view their business, distancing themselves from the end results of their trade. Arms dealers provide the vital metaphorical fig leaf of plausible deniability for arms manufacturers – ‘reputable’ companies such as BAE Systems – as well as for the British government itself. BAE Systems promotes itself as a well-managed, responsible and ethical company’.1
The role of arms dealers allows arms manufacturers, when faced with requests to ship to embargoed destinations, to say to potential buyers, ‘We won’t sell you guns, but let me introduce you to a man who will’ (280).
Thomas demonstrates the ease with which arms dealers can arrange arms shipments around the globe, even to destinations subject to national or UN embargo. He arranges the potential sale of stun batons to the Mugabe government of Zimbabwe (296-307), in addition to collaborating with two groups of school children, setting up front companies to import implements of torture to the UK. Publicising these actions provided impetus for reform of the UK and Irish arms trade laws.
Thomas is realistic in his condemnation of the excesses of the arms industry. He recognises that the keenest purchasers of arms are those who intend to use them (45). He does not call for abolition of the industry, but rather for reform and oversight. For example, the European Code of Conduct on Arms Exports creates a sound framework for accountability. However, at present, governments need only consider the Code of Conduct when making decisions on arms supply contracts – the code is not legally binding. Additionally, any country may ignore the Code when it is deemed to be in the best interests of their national economy or national security (119). Thomas therefore stresses the need for mutual reinforcement between national and UN initiatives, backed by the force of law.
Thomas sets an example of intelligent activism. He posits activism as not just a right but also a duty of active citizenship (104). He castigates those on the Left who would rather wait for the revolution than take meaningful action now. As a fellow activist states, ‘you can work for change, but you do have to work at it’ (172).
Thomas demonstrates the effectiveness of engaging with power structures. Rather than shouting slogans from behind barricades, it is easier and more effective to simply walk through the front door. The future of activism must include engagement with, and manipulation of, existing power structures.
As Used on the Famous Nelson Mandela is a valuable contribution. Thomas uses humour to draw the reader in and retain their attention in order to impart his message. He achieves his goals of exposing the excesses of the arms trade and pushing for reform. Although the major players in the arms trade have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo, it through the work of Mark Thomas and others like him that progress will be made.
Notes
1. BAE Systems ‘Corporate Responsibility – BAE Systems’ http://www.baesystems.com/CorporateResponsibility/ (accessed 12 August 2007).