David O'Hara
Power, profit and protest is a book by Verity Burgmann that offers an account of recent protest movements, focusing mainly on the Aboriginal, women's, green and anti-corporate or anti-capitalist movements in Australia and around the world. Burgmann, a professor from Melbourne University, writes from a Marxist perspective, which is turned into a fairly clear theme throughout the book and helps to explain the focus on the 'anti-capitalist' movement.
Burgmann has put a lot of work into research, which can be seen by the fact that several hundred references were used when she wrote Power, profit and protest, and by the strong referencing inside the text itself, with most claims being well backed up. This helps to re-enforce the usefulness of the text for anyone wanting to find out or research about protest movements and provides interesting and detailed information about the movements she focuses on. Burgmann's writing includes analysis of the conflicts, goals, resources and beliefs in the four movements she investigates, and several case studies are used to illustrate the past and current situation of each movement. The investigations of individual protest actions, such as the Seattle and S11 protest, the environmental Franklin river campaign and the Aboriginal land rights and reconciliation campaigns provide much valuable information.
The harmful effects of neo-liberalism (known as economic rationalism in Australia), the failure of governments to act progressively and the failure of academics, and intellectuals to recognise class differences as a cause of many social problems are three important themes that Burgmann discusses within Power, profit and protest. She argues that the focus on individual rights without criticism of neo-liberal ideas has only helped a few people, while the rest remain disadvantaged and marginalised. In the case of Aborigines this appears to be true, as they still remain a heavily disadvantaged group, with a life expectancy about 20 years less than white people, have relatively poor health and nutrition, three times the unemployment rate and an infant mortality rate twice the national average. In a report by Ciaran O'Faircheallaigh, it is found that Aboriginal groups in the Northern Territory were selling land rights in order to buy and run basic public services such as a dialysis machine and a small school, as well as other services that typically should be run by government (O'Faircheallaigh 2004 pp. 42-48). These examples prove that the current neo-liberal ideals and new social movements regarding Aborigines have so far been ineffective, backing up Burgmann's claims that neo-liberalism and the 'politics of identity' are doing nothing to fix, and are possibly the cause of social problems.
In terms of the environmental movement there is also a direct contradiction between the interests of producers and environmental concerns, at least in the short term. The act of 'greenwashing' by companies demonstrates a lack of concern for the environment, as it is only seen as a marketing tool and not a social concern that needs to be acted upon (Burgmann 2003 pp. 225-229). In a neo-liberal sense, the environment is only worth protecting if it reaps some kind of benefit either in the short or long term.
In a few of the sources that I read on the topic of protests and social movements it was found that there was little or no discussion of class or its role in creating discontent, reflecting Burgmann's criticism of 'identity' politics, which tends to ignore important factors that do not fit well into a neo-liberal argument. In her opinion, identity politics has had a 'white-anting effect on new social movement thought and action.' (Burgmann 2004. p. 25). In a book titled Social movements and culture this idea is re-enforced, where the authors believe that '... students have felt the limitations of excessively structural and interest-oriented politics.' (Johnston and Klandermans 1995. p. vii). Burgmann's identification of the role of class, in the sense of the relationship between those who own the means of production and workers, more fully explains why protest movements arise even for people that subscribe to varying political views, compared to only having self-interest or identity as the major factors.
Burgmann's fairly uncompromising Marxist viewpoint creates a flaw in the book's argument because it makes the author ignore gains in individual rights made by more right wing or capitalist politicians, while at the same time overemphasizing the gains made by unionists, communists and other left wing political actors. Even from the left side of politics Burgmann is dismissive of social democrats and moderates, especially in the anti-globalisation movement, where she writes that, 'The record of social movement action in Australia suggests that reforms and concessions are won not by the moderates, but by the militants, through extremist postures and activities and the making of extravagant political claims.' (Burgmann 2004 p. 320). This claim is then contradicted ten pages later where she writes that social democratic and reformist ideals are, in the face of neo-liberalism 'all the more significant and worthwhile' , and that the dismantling of social democratic institutions has resulted in further harmful effects from neo-liberalism (pp.330-331). The contradiction found here shows that there is a conflict between a classic Marxist dismissal of social democrats and the need for their support and ideas in creating or reforming the system to the point of revolution. Arguments from activists such as Naomi Klein take a more broad-minded view to differing opinions, where she writes that democracy was the only real ideology linking all of the activists at the World Social Forum in 2001, and that tension between different groups such as anarchists and socialists or reformers and radicals needed to be worked out. In Fences and Windows, Klein makes the point that, in order to create a better world, the 'Key to this process is developing a political discourse that is not afraid of diversity, that does not try to cram every political movement into a single model.' (Klein 2002 p. 245). Trying to explain too many features of 'new' social movements through class and Marxist ideas alone is something that Burgmann is guilty of.
The format of the book can become a bit dry as it is an academic work, especially in the middle of the text, but is more interesting toward the end where Burgmann is stronger in her argument against neo-liberalism. The use of some more colourful, or interesting quotes, and possibly more varied language in some sections would have helped to break up the text and make it easier to read while still maintaining the formal argument.
Despite some problems in the argument for those who do not subscribe to a Marxist or revolutionary viewpoint, Power, profit and protest is still worthwhile. It gives an insight into the failings of neo-liberal economics and 'identity' politics and provides detailed accounts of movements that are currently active.
Bibliography
Burgmann, V. Power, Profit and Protest Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest 2003.
Danaher, K. and J. Mark Insurrection. Routledge, London 2003.
Edmonson, R.The Political Context of Collective Action Routledge, London 1997.
Johnston, H. and B. Klandermans Social Movements and Culture University of Minnesota Press: Minneapolis 1995.
Keck, M.E. and K. Skink Activists Beyond Borders Cornell University Press, New York 1998.
Klein, N. Fences and Windows Flamingo, London 2002.
Melbourne University, Profile of Verity Burgmann, http://www.politics.unimelb.edu.au/about/staff/burgmann.html, accessed 15th August 2004].
O'Faircheallaigh, C. 'Denying Citizens Their Rights? Indigenous People, Mining Rights and Service Provision' Australian Journal of Public Administration 63 (2) June 2004, pp. 42-50.
Rohrschneider, R. and R. J. Dalton 'A Global Network? Transnational Cooperation Among Environmental Groups' The Journal of Politics 64 (2) May 2002. pp. 510-533.