Issue Brief 17 / 1997

Sharing and reciprocity in Aboriginal communities are part of a complex cultural system in which individuals and groups provide economic assistance to one another. Sharing can also be understood as a mechanism through which Aboriginal people display and confirm their social relationships with each other. Yet the type of sharing displayed is neither simple nor automatic but involves careful, strategic decision-making and behaviours. An understanding of the principles of sharing and reciprocity in contemporary Aboriginal communities is useful in a range of contexts and can contribute to policy formation in a variety of important areas. For example, attention to Aboriginal norms of sharing and reciprocity are vital to considerations of:

• measures of poverty
• the development of appropriate housing policies
• the design and implementation of programs to increase employment, and
• in the creation of appropriate family welfare programs and policies.

Some principles of Aboriginal reciprocity

The following is a summary of some of the cultural assumptions and principles of Aboriginal sharing and reciprocity. While it is not being suggested that the principles of reciprocity operate flawlessly within households and communities and that tensions and misunderstandings never arise, it is possible to identify a core set of principles that underpin Aboriginal social interaction:

• Aboriginal kinship is extended and flexible. While people recognise fundamental differences and distances among kin, they also include individuals as kin who are not (or who are only distantly related) by blood or marriage. Most Aboriginal people are part of a much larger kinship network than many non-Aboriginal people might be familiar with from their own experiences. Many individuals an Aboriginal person might identify as kin might not be considered so, or may be seen as only distantly related, by non-Aboriginal Australians. Yet as participants in such kinship networks, Aboriginal people not only have rights but also obligations toward all the individuals they define as kin.
• Sharing is the norm among Aboriginal kin. Aboriginal people are, in general, protected by and benefit greatly from the generosity of members of these broad-ranging kinship systems. The individuals are supported by such systems, and consider them normal and sensible. The expectations related to the sharing of shelter, food, cash and other resources appear reasonable to the participants in such kinship networks.
• Sharing among Aboriginal people is propelled by demand but constrained by a delicate balance between what is considered appropriate to demand and appropriate to refuse. In Aboriginal communities, individuals are expected to be conscious of the subtleties and limitations of both making and deflecting demands. Individuals learn early in life the rules for responding to demands in culturally-appropriate ways.
• Saying 'no' to demands for resources has social, not just material, implications. A direct refusal of a demand for assistance can be a significant act within an Aboriginal community. To bluntly refuse a demand is a poor economic strategy since the refusal also effectively denies the authenticity of the basis of the demand. This is a grave decision few Aboriginal people will make lightly, particularly if they anticipate that they may at some point in the future need to call on the other party for assistance. Instead a delaying response is often used.
• Deflecting demands is acceptable but requires strategic behaviour so as not to shame or embarrass either party. Aboriginal people are highly adept at avoiding demands which are unreasonable or immediately inconvenient. Yet, evading such demands requires finely-tuned diplomatic and strategic skills to ensure the relationship is not damaged by a refusal. Successfully refusing requests to share often requires graceful and subtle manoeuvring so not to incite resentment and abuse.
• The social implications of refusing to share are particularly profound for individuals in peripheral positions. For individuals with tenuous links to an Aboriginal community, sharing is one way to establish and maintain connections with the community and to assert identity as Aboriginal. It is important to recognise that reciprocity is a core element in the organisation of Aboriginal communities; Aboriginal people operate in a social universe, not in isolation.

These principles illustrate some of the subtle rules and complex assumptions and expectations that surround reciprocity in Aboriginal communities and highlight some of the cultural underpinnings of everyday interaction. While reciprocity is certainly one of the elements of the social glue that holds Aboriginal families and communities together in difficult economic and social circumstances, it is also a mechanism through which individuals may test, affirm and display their sense of community and Aboriginality.

Conclusions

The cultural rules underpinning sharing and reciprocity among Aboriginal people are relevant to a broad range of research and policy issues. Careful consideration of the operation of such rules in the everyday lives of Aboriginal people can contribute to a more accurate interpretation of data collected at the national and regional levels. Similarly, understanding the cultural principles of interaction may increase the chances of developing approaches to policy that are culturally appropriate and that will fit with existing community structures and expectations.

This issue brief summarised CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 100, 'The calculus of reciprocity: principles and implications of Aboriginal sharing' by R.G. Schwab published in December 1995. It was prepared by R.G. Schwab and edited by Lynette Liddle.